Canada Foundation for Nepal
Through the Light of Knowledge!
Through the Light of Knowledge!
Respected Nepali brothers and sisters,
The dream that we have cherished for sixty years shall soon be fulfilled. We are creating a new history. Nepali history, which is thousands of years old, is at a turning point. The dark era of feudalism and monarchism is coming to an end. We are entering a new era of capitalist democracy and republic. We shall soon participate in the Constituent Assembly election which shall bring about dynamic changes. For the first time in the history of Nepal, we are on the threshold of a Constituent Assembly election so that we can write our own fortune and create our own Constitution by exercising the sovereignty and state power vested in us, the citizens of Nepal. On the occasion of this great and historical event, we would like to felicitate, congratulate and thank all of you who have been struggling for the Constituent Assembly and a republic for the last six decades.
Firstly, at this auspicious occasion, we would like to remember and pay tribute to all known-unknown martyrs who sacrificed their precious lives fighting against feudalism, imperialism and monarchism. In this course, we would like to commemorate Lakhan Thapamagar and friends, who raised the first flag of rebellion against feudalism, martyr Gangalal Shrestha and friends of 1930/31 (BS 1997), and warriors of the 1950/1951 (BS 2007) movement. We respect Bhimdev Panta and co-warriors and remember Rishi Devkota ‘Azaad’ of Jhapa movement during the Panchayati autocracy and the martyrs of the 1990/1991 (2046/2047) movement. We pay special tribute to Rambrisksha Yadav, who was involved in making preparations for the Peoples’ War, conducted under the leadership of the CPN (Maoist), the first martyr of the Peoples’ War, Dilbahadur Ramtel including millions of great martyrs, thousands of disappeared and those injured for continuing the tradition of martyrdom and sacrifice in Nepali history. We shall always remember the fact that the present political change would not have been possible without the sacrifice of the great martyrs of the Peoples’ Movement, which sprung from the foundation of the historical Peoples’ War. They shall be remembered forever.
At this historical moment of institutionalising this radical change through the Constituent Assembly election, we, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), who has been playing a prominent role in this great campaign for creating a new Nepal, would like to make an announcement of our important commitments. As the political power which has played an important role in making the Constituent Assembly and has made many sacrifices, we feel that it is our additional responsibility to present our work schedule for constructing a new democratic and prosperous Nepal. We would like to present the proposal for a new ideology and leadership for a new Nepal to all our respected voters.
First, we should definitely carefully scrutinize the past in order to understand current realities and to draw a proper roadmap for the future.
We should properly examine old Nepal in order to create a new Nepal. Why and how did we, the Nepali people become the world’s poorest, most backward and dependent? Why are millions of our youth compelled to leave the country and go abroad for employment? Why is two-thirds of our labour power engaged in agriculture and why does eighty percent of the population live in villages? Why is our average economic growth rate unable to rise faster than the population growth rate? Why is the burden of foreign debt increasing every year but poverty, unemployment, backwardness, inequality and dependence are not changing?
Was our situation always like this? Is this because we have been cheated by nature?
Definitely not. We are considered to be one of the richest countries in the world in terms of natural resources. We are rich in water, land, forests, herbs, and especially in human resource. If these resources are utilized properly, then we shall be able to make miraculous developments in a short period of time. If we develop the amazing geographical, biological and ecological diversity of our hills, mountains and the Tarai in unison, through proper coordination of advanced science and technology, then we could become the richest country in the world.
Similarly, a comparative study of Nepal and the contemporary world shall prove that we were not always at the bottom in terms of development. About 250 years ago when Nepal signed the Sugauli treaty with the British and during the industrial revolution in Europe, there wasn’t a great difference in the level of development of Nepal and other countries. But in the last two hundred years countries like Europe, America, Russia, Japan, China and others that were like us have been climbing up the ladder of development, whereas we are still confined to medieval backwardness.
Why and how did this happen? It is clear- all this happened because of discrepancies between internal socio-economic management, the state system and foreign affairs. This situation arose because Nepali society has been hard-pressed by two huge obstacles for the past 250 years. The first obstacle is the unitary state system and feudalist production patterns based on the arrogance of the high castes Arya-Khas, who came to power under the leadership of the monarchy. As a result of this there has been terrible exploitation and oppression in society on the basis of class, ethnicity, region, gender, language, religion and culture and this is creating an obstruction on the path towards overall social prosperity.
Consequently, majority of labourers, farmers and unemployed youth are now suffering from extreme poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy and overall oppression. Madhesis, Janajatis and linguistic communities, living (in Nepal) since time immemorial are being oppressed by the unitary state on the basis of ethnicity and language. Women, who comprise half of the population, continue to suffer from patriarchal exploitation. Dalits from the hills as well as the Madhes continue to be terrorised by Manu’s system of untouchability. Especially Muslims, who are scattered all over the Madhes and the country, are suffering the religious arrogance of the Hindus. Those living around Karnali, Seti-Mahaklali and the Himalayan region have also become victims of extreme regional oppression. Majority of the people living in villages are deprived of modern facilities like electricity, water, road, education, heath service, and they are compelled to live in primitive conditions.
The second obstacle facing Nepal and Nepalis is foreign imperialistic exploitation and oppression. After the signing of the Sugauli Treaty there have been a number of unequal treaties and agreements that have bound Nepal in the chains of semi-colonialism. Indian monopolistic capitalism continues to be the main obstacle and (the main factor posing) problem in this process of foreign interference and oppression, expressed in the form of expansionism. On one hand, the natural and economic resources of Nepal are being monopolized by foreigners, whereas on the other hand, the burden of debt on Nepalis is increasing and foreign trade deficit is rising. As a result of the viscous circle of subordination and dependency, national industries have been completely ruined. Due to the lack of productive employment in the nation, millions of young people are compelled to travel abroad in search of employment. Brain drain is on the rise. The web of corruption and the entrenched habit of only working for commission is spreading in the country. The broker class, which rose up with the support of corruption, and capitalist bureaucrats have been incharge of governance and the economy.
Feudalism and imperialism are two obstacles hindering progress in Nepal. Therefore, the immediate responsibility of the democratic movement is to end all oppression based on class, ethnicity, region, gender, religion and culture, and transform the nation into a people-oriented federal democratic republic. Similarly, nationalism and a republic are two essential parts of the Nepali democratic movement. The harsh truth is that it shall not be possible to solve the prevailing problems of the country in a sustainable manner if any one of the two aspects are ignored.
For the last sixty years Nepali citizens have been continuously struggling against the monarchical feudal autocratic state power. Armed as well as unarmed movements have been launched time and again. People’s struggles have sometimes been led by Parliamentary reformist political powers, sometimes by the Communist revolutionary political power and at other times they have been led mutually. As per the multi-class based structure of society, various professional, ethnic, linguistic groups, people’s organizations and civil agitators have made important contributions to the democratic movement.
In 1950/1951 (BS 2007), for the first time, Nepali Congress, which is a supporter of capitalist parliamentary democracy, launched an armed struggle against the feudal autocratic state power. However, agreements were made for general political reforms and that struggle was concluded without progressive transformation of the state and society. Since the Army and arms were not managed properly feudal autocracy continued in a new form under the leadership of the monarchy.
During 30 years of Panchayati autocracy, which was established after 1960/1961 (BS 2017), time and again Nepali Congress engaged in armed struggles. But it could never launch a decisive movement against the feudal monarchy because of its concealed liberal feudal, broker and capitalistic bureaucratic nature. Finally after 1976/1977 (BS 2033), under the guise of so called “national reconciliation”, they (Congress) declared a policy to surrender to the monarchy.
In their own way, various divided Communist actors also attempted to struggle peacefully and with arms against feudalism and monarchism during the Panchayat period. Among those, the most important was the armed struggle carried out by the then ML (now UML) in Jhapa. But the ideological instability that came as a result of the leadership of the group limited it to reformist struggles, forgoing the agenda of radical change and armed struggle. After 1989/1990 (BS 2046), this group was renamed UML and it accepted the Parliamentary capitalistic programme called “multiparty democracy”.
Even after the political changes of 1989/1990 (BS 2046), there were no significant changes in the nature of feudalism and autocracy, which favour the feudal bureaucrats and capitalist brokers. The problems faced by different classes, ethnicities, regions, genders and the issue of Dalit oppression, which has existed since time immemorial, were not addressed. Nepali Congress and UML, who gained power through parliamentary elections, continued to protect the old structure by repairing and mending the existing system. But it was all in vain.
People in the House and the streets raised voices since 1990/1991 (2047) he for social and national transformation, but they were ignored. Thus, the CPN (Maoist) started the armed people’s war on 13 February 1996 (2052 Phagun 1).
The 40-point demand related to nationalism, democracy and livelihood was the political agenda of the People’s War. In a short span of time the People’s War made rapid developments because questions relating to class, ethnicity, region, gender and Dalits were raised in an integrated manner, as per the wishes of the people. In a period of ten years, the People’s War, through the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives, uprooted age-old feudalism and monarchy from every corner of the country. This is an exemplary achievement not only in Nepali history but for contemporary world history (as a whole). Against this backdrop, on 22 November 2005 (2062 Mangsir 7), the historic 12-point understanding was signed between the CPN (Maoist), who were involved in an armed People’s War and the parliamentary parties, including Congress and the UML, who had once again been sidelined by the King. The extraordinary People’s Movement in 2006 (BS 2063) was founded on this understanding, which acted as the link between peaceful movement against feudal monarchy and the People’s War. The unprecedented People’s Movement of 2006 was a culmination of all the movements that have occurred so far for democracy. As a result, it was possible to objectively overthrow the monarchy, which has existed for a long time, and to form an Interim Constitution and an Interim government. We are now on the threshold of Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly election, which shall institutionalise the federal democratic republic. This is certainly a great achievement for the Nepali democratic movement, which has been ongoing for 60 years, and we must feel proud of this accomplishment.
Questions may be raised about the significance of the sacrifice of tens of thousands of lives during the armed People’s War. However, historic facts have proved that the 10-year long great People’s War was the pinnacle of the revolutionary armed movements, launched time and again since 1951 (BS 2007), and was able to attain the political responsibilities (that all the other movements were trying to accomplish). It is hard to imagine today’s political transformation without the contribution of the Maoist People’s War. There is class-based, ethnic, regional, gender and Dalit awakening in the country today and the country has been Constitution ally declared a federal democratic republic. The credit for this mainly goes to the 10-year People’’s War. Without thousands of People’s Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers, the monarchy would not have stepped down so easily. Certainly, other agitating parties have also played an important role in this process. However, everyone should accept the fact that the People’s War has played a central role.
As far as sacrifices are concerned, none of the epochal revolutions would have been successful without the vigour of these sacrifices. World history is proof that the countries and people who make the most sacrifices progress the most. The present and the past of countries, such as America, France, Russia and China, stand witness to this fact.
However, none of the great revolutions occur in the manner planned. In the course of a revolution, several unexpected and undesirable sacrifices as well damages also occur, and they cannot be prevented. Also during the course of our great People’s War, some sad incidents, such as the Badarmudhe incident in Chitwan, occurred. Several other innocent people and families suffered unnecessarily and had to bear losses. For all that, we once again humbly apologise on behalf of the Party.
Once again, it is necessary for everyone to understand that the Maoist People’s War is not an ‘extremist’ movement but an essential objective requirement of Nepali history. By preserving the achievements of the People’s War, we are in the process of institutionalising the revolutionary transformation in a different manner. The forthcoming Constituent Assembly election is also part of that process.
The Constituent Assembly election is not a general parliamentary election which takes place every five years. This is a special event which occurs once in an epoch. The Constituent Assembly is a medium for people to build the country’s main law, or the Constitution, through representatives elected in a free and fair manner by all citizens old enough to vote, on the basis of equal vote, utilising the sovereign and state power vested in them. Constituent Assembly elections take place once in a hundred years in the history of any country. When we look at world history, it appears that Constituent Assembly elections take place to end feudalism and monarchy or colonialism in order to institutionalise a capitalist democracy. Therefore, the Constituent Assembly is also referred to as the ‘supreme form’ of a capitalist democracy. The issue of conducting a Constituent Assembly as a process for ending feudalism and monarchy and fully establishing a capitalist democracy has been raised in Nepal since 1951 (BS 2007). However, due to strong objections and conspiracies hatched by monarchist forces on the one hand, and the unstable policies and policy of surrendering of the capitalist parliamentary forces on the other, the Constituent Assembly election has been avoided or postponed several times. Only communist revolutionaries have been regularly raising the question of a Constituent Assembly seriously because they believe in the principle that it (the Constituent Assembly) plays a progressive role in preparing an objective basis for socialism by accomplishing a capitalist people’s revolution. The general public must fully realise this historic fact in the context of the forthcoming Constituent Assembly election. There must be a clear demarcation as to who is against the Constituent Assembly and who is in favour of it.
As a process and mechanism for establishing people’s sovereignty, the Constituent Assembly is a restrictive concept and an institution against feudalism and monarchy. Therefore, it is obvious that feudal monarchies in world history oppose and conspire against the Constituent Assembly. Nepal’s history is no exception, and therefore we should not consider it otherwise.
In 1951 (BS 2007), King Tribhuwan was compelled to announce a Constituent Assembly election. But as circumstances became more favourable, he avoided the election with various excuses. Eventually, in 1958/59 (BS 2015), King Mahendra declared that a parliamentary election would be held in 1959/60 (BS 2016) under the Constitution granted by him instead of a Constituent Assembly. He dissolved that Parliament in 1960/61 (BS 2017) to impose an autocratic Panchayat regime, and the King and the monarchists have not brought up the issue of holding a Constituent Assembly election ever since.
The People’s Movement in 1990 (BS 2046) brought an end to the Panchayati dictatorship. Repeating the same mistake of 1958/59 (BS 2015), King Birendra issued the Parliamentary Constitution in 1990/91 (2047), retaining the country’s sovereignty and state power with the King. King Gyanendra openly violated that Constitution, first on 4 October 2002 (2059 Asoj 18) and later again on 1 February 2005 (2061 Magh 19).
After the People’s Movement in 2006 (BS 2062), which was founded on the achievements of the 10-year People’s War, the Nepali people used their sovereignty and state power for the first time in Nepali history, and the Interim Constitution, 2063 (2006) was issued in accordance with the Comprehensive Peace Accord, reached between the CPN (Maoist) and the seven parliamentary parties. This Constitution suspended the monarchy, and it was announced that the fate of the monarchy would be determined by a simple majority at the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, the election for which was to be held in June 2007 (2064 Jeth). However, owing to the King and the conspiracies of monarchists, and the indolence of the parliamentary forces, the Constituent Assembly election could not be held as scheduled. Thereafter, the CPN (Maoist) stressed its previous stance, suggesting that a realistic Constituent Assembly would be possible only when a republic is declared by first invalidating the monarchy. It quit the Interim Government on 18 September 2007 (2064 Asoj 1) with a 22-point demand, and launched a movement in order to fulfil them. As a result of this, on 28 December 2007 (Pus 13) the Third Amendment of the Interim Constitution declared Nepal a ‘Federal Democratic Republic’, which shall be implemented by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly.
Although the country has been declared a republic by the Constitution, implementation is still pending. Given this situation, it is clear that the King and the royalist forces are hatching conspiracies now, and they shall continue to do so in the future to prevent the Constituent Assembly election, which shall implement the decision of a republic. We must be highly alert about this and encourage forces that were previously under the influence of the monarchy to join the new republican stream. Today, it is our main responsibility to hold the Constituent Assembly election as soon as possible, and it is clear that this shall be in the best interest of the country and its citizens. If the King and royalist forces attempt to prevent or disrupt the Constituent Assembly election through the use of the army or other means, we should all be prepared to retaliate.
Although the slogan of the Constituent Assembly is mainly a capitalist one, due to the broker-like and bureaucratic capitalist nature inherent in the parliamentary parties, they have not been able to stand firmly in favour of the Constituent Assembly. The broker-like and bureaucratic capitalist character surrenders internally to feudalism and monarchy, and externally to imperialism. However, when the pressure of a revolutionary movement increases, or when they are abandoned by the monarchy, they (the parliamentary parties) also stand in favour of a Constituent Assembly or a republic. Such instable characteristic, prone to surrendering, is clearly evident in Nepal’s parliamentary parties, in particular Nepali Congress and CPN (UML).
In 1951 (BS 2007), Nepali Congress raised the issue of a Constituent Assembly, but King Tribhuwan later made excuses to avoid it. In that situation, neither did Nepali Congress take firm stance, nor did it launch an effective movement. Consequently, when King Mahendra declared a parliamentary election instead of a Constituent Assembly, Nepali Congress abandoned its demand for a Constituent Assembly, accepting the Constitution declared by the King and participated in the parliamentary election held under this Constitution. The bitter result (of that action) came in the form of a ‘coup’ in 1960 (BS 2017), but Nepali Congress never learnt.
Following the movement in 1990 (BS 2046), Nepali Congress stood in favour of the Constitution Recommendation Commission instead of a Constituent Assembly, claiming that the 1990 (BS 2047) Constitution , which was prepared by a commission consisting of the King’s representative, was the &rlsquo;world’s best Constitution’. During the first peace talks held in 2001 (BS 2058), the CPN (Maoist) submitted a proposal for a Constituent Assembly election, which was rejected by the then Nepali Congress government. As a result, the talks collapsed. It was only in April 2005 (2062 Baisakh), after receiving a major blow from the King after the royal move of 1 February 2005 (2061 Magh 19), that all the main political parties, including Nepali Congress, decided for the first time to participate in a Constituent Assembly election. Nepali Congress seems to be in favour of the Constituent Assembly election now only because circumstances have compelled it. We should understand that there is still no guarantee that it shall remain committed to the Constituent Assembly in the future.
Ever since the UML was reborn in its present incarnation, its perspective on the Constituent Assembly has been unstable and unclear, similar to that of the Congress. The UML insisted that not even a ‘comma and full stop’ should be changed from the 1990 (BS 2047) Constitution, and in 2004 (BS 2060) it participated in the royal government, stating that regression had been corrected to a certain extent. It was only after receiving a blow from the King on 1 February 2005 (2061 Magh 19) that the UML eventually stood in favour of a Constituent Assembly. Everyone must remain alert about the extremely opportunist and unreliable nature of the UML leadership, which is always unclear and dillydallies when it comes to important political issues, and moves in the direction of the wind.
However, there are still people within the parties, including Congress and UML, who embrace the Constituent Assembly and a republic. We must place a special emphasis on uniting such people.
From the very beginning, communists have strongly believed that in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country like Nepal, a basis for socialism can be prepared only by first ending all forms of feudalism and monarchy and concluding the capitalist people’s revolution. In accordance with this belief, CPN (Maoist), the mainstream of revolutionary communism, has recognised the Constituent Assembly as the highest form of capitalist democracy and is committed to it.
When King Mahendra locked the issue of the Constituent Assembly behind the closed doors of history in 1957/1958 (BS 2014), various factions of the divided Communist party did raise the issue occasionally. But it was the CPN (Maoist) and the People’s War under its leadership, which reawakened the political issue of a Constituent Assembly, which had been sidelined by history, and established it at the centre of national politics. In the 40-point demand put forward before launching the People’s War, emphasis was laid on ‘building a new Constitution through people’s elected representatives’, which also further proves this point.
Together with the progress of the People’s War, the demand for a Constituent Assembly was raised in an organised manner and further enhanced. At the second national conference of the Party in 2000/2001 (BS 2057), the then working policy of the Party was determined to be ‘a round table conference, an Interim government and a Constituent Assembly election’. Based on this, the demand for a Constituent Assembly election was put forward as a central political demand at the first peace talks in 2001 (BS 2058). However, the then Nepali Congress government rejected this demand, as a result of which the talks collapsed, and for the first time there was an armed clash between the Royal Nepal Army and the People’s Liberation Army. By that time, 1,000 to 1,500 people had died in the course of the People’s War. Following that, tens of thousands more sacrifices were made.
The second peace talks held in 2003 (BS 2060) also collapsed because the then government did not accept the proposal for a Constituent Assembly election. In the third peace talks, held in 2006 (BS 2063), there was an agreement mainly on the Constituent Assembly election, which led to the Comprehensive Peace Accord, hence Nepali politics is now at this stage. No one should forget or undermine this historic fact.
As a political party which sacrificed tens of thousands of capable combatants for the political demand for a Constituent Assembly, there is no doubt that the CPN (Maoist) is most committed to a Constituent Assembly election and shall be the most responsible. Just as a mother who gives birth to a child loves it the most and is the best person to raise it, the Maoists love the Constituent Assembly the most, and it is important to understand that only they can give it an appropriate upbringing.
It would be relevant to mention here that the CPN (Maoist) has raised the question of the Constituent Assembly not only in its old, classical sense, but also by giving importance to the new meaning of development of democracy, put forward by the newly synthesised idea of ‘Prachandapath’. In 2004 (BS 2060), Chairman Comrade Prachanda presented the proposed idea of ‘Development of Democracy in the 21st Century’, which the Party approved. Not only does this proposal accept multiparty competitive politics during the present stage of capitalist revolution, it shall also accept it in the future socialist system. From that angle, the process whereby people’s representatives, elected through a multiparty competition, build a Constitution , or the Constituent Assembly process, matches fully the idea developed by us. Therefore, it would be pointless to question our theoretical and practical commitments to the Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly is not a means in itself but the best process, or an end to institutionalise a democratic republic or to progressively restructure the State. On the one hand, it is necessary to remain alert about the games that the status-quoist parliamentary forces are playing in order to bring down the Constituent Assembly election to the level of a general parliamentary election, thereby weakening its importance and role, and limiting it to formality. On the other hand, it is necessary to use all strength to defeat the conspiracies hatched by regressive royalist elements to prevent the Constituent Assembly election.
What should be the main basis and essence of the new Constitution to be framed by the elected representatives of the people or the Constituent Assembly in the history of Nepal? CPN (Maoist) firmly believes that the main basis for this are the mandates of the 10-year long People’s War and the nineteen-day long Peoples’ Movement, or for that matter, the very essence of the new Constitution is the dreams of the tens of thousands of martyrs of the People’s War and the People’s Movement, the thousands who disappeared and the thousands who became crippled. Hundreds of thousands of armed and unarmed people who took part in the People’s War and the People’s Movement aspired for liberation from class-based, ethnic, gender-based, linguistic, cultural, religious and social oppression practiced by the feudal, monarchical and unitary state with the help of foreign reactionary forces. To achieve this they wanted forward moving transformation through a federal democratic republic. In the same way, large number of oppressed communities including poor farmers, labourers, Dalits, women, Madhesis, Janajati, who joined the organized movement in large numbers, wanted a people-oriented republic which shall benefit labourers, instead of a republic that shall only fulfil the interests of a handful of well-off class. In addition to that, the patriotic people, terrorised by external semi-colonial oppression for centuries, wished for an independent republic rather than a republic dependent on outsiders. The formation of a prosperous new Nepal through the establishment of an independent and people-oriented federal democratic republic was the mandate of the 10 year long People’s War and the nineteen-day People’s Movement.
Fully realizing this fact, the CPN (Maoist) want to express commitment to forming a new Constitution that institutionalises the independent and people-oriented federal democratic republic with the following essence:
Nepal’s sovereignty, national independence, freedom and geographical integrity shall be protected completely and strengthened by ending all types of semi-colonial and unequal relationships.
Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, multi-religious and geographically diverse country. So on the basis of ethnic and regional rights to self-determination and autonomous governance and considering the special features of Nepal, the nation shall be restructured in a federal manner by ending the current unitary system. Moreover sovereignty, freedom and geographical integrity of the nation shall be strengthened in a new manner.
All types of feudalism and monarchy in the country shall be abolished and republic governance system shall be maintained. As per the provisions of the Third Amendment of the Interim Constitution 2007 (2063), a federal democratic republic shall be implemented after the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly. Provisions shall be made for a President elected through the first-past-the-post electoral system and for electing a Prime Minister from among the legislative members. The President and the Prime Minister shall not be able to serve for more than two full terms.
The sovereignty and state power shall be fully vested in the people and they shall use them through their elected representatives. A complete democratic system with qualities like supremacy of the Constitution , rule of law, multi-party competition, adult franchise, periodic free and fair election, complete press freedom etc. shall be followed. By ending the present trend of making limiting democracy to formality, necessary Constitution al provisions shall be made to guarantee democracy for labourer, poor classes and oppressed ethnicities, regions, women, Dalits, who form the majority of society, and democracy shall be transformed into a reality. Freedom of press and civil society shall be encouraged to ensure continued surveillance of citizens on the state and state bodies.
Human rights shall be ensured as per international standards.
Every citizen shall be guaranteed complete freedom of expression, freedom to gather peacefully, freedom to form a political party or organizations, freedom of carrying out any profession or business and freedom for moving and settling.
Right to equality, right against exploitation, right to privacy, right against social and ethnic discrimination, right against torture, right to information, publication, right to broadcast and print, right to property and other fundamental rights etc shall be guaranteed for everyone.
The state shall be fully secular. All citizens shall have the freedom to either follow or not follow any religion. No one shall be discriminated against on the basis of religious beliefs.
The policy of common citizenship shall be followed throughout the nation after the federal system is implemented. All Nepali citizens shall have the right to get citizenship conveniently without any discrimination. The citizenship received by non-Nepali citizens through fraud and deception shall be cancelled after conducting necessary investigation.
Since Nepal is a multilingual country, all languages spoken here shall be established as national languages. In the federal structure, the authority to decide which language shall be used for official purpose and for communication in the different states shall be with the concerned legislature of state.
In order to end all class-based, ethnic, regional, linguistic and other forms of discrimination and inequalities, and to make democracy more people-oriented and effective, provisions shall be made for proportional representation of women, Dalits, oppressed ethnicities/Janajatis, oppressed regions/remote areas, the Madhes and minority communities (including Muslim) in every state body. Women, Dalits and Muslim communities have been oppressed the most and they shall be provided special rights as compensation for their historical oppression.
Currently, there are two Armies in the nation; the Nepal Army and the People’s Liberation Army. The Nepal Army shall be democratized, the People’s Liberation Army shall be made professional and a new National Army shall be formed by integrating the two in a proper manner. The overall security sector, including the army, police, armed police and the investigation department shall be restructured as per the federal structure of the state.
By being fully committed to the concept of an independent Judiciary, the Judicial System shall be made responsible to the people according to democratic values. As per the new federal structure of the state there shall be a Supreme Court at the centre and High Courts and District Courts in the federal states.
Constitution al Bodies like Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, Election Commission, Public Service Commission, (Office of the) Attorney-General and National Human Rights Commission etc. shall be restructured as needed in a manner to make them free, able and effective. Particularly corruption, that is rampant in state organs, shall be disposed of from the country and society. For this purpose, provisions shall be made for more effective alternative bodies.
The administrative mechanism shall undergo necessary restructuring as per the new democratic form and federal restructure of the state. Radical changes shall be made in the administration to make it efficient, transparent and responsible towards the people, rather than process-oriented.
The foundation of the fiscal policy of the Federal Democratic Republic Nepal shall be based against (principles of) feudalism and imperialism and the New Transitional Economic Policy shall address the needs of the Nepali people.
Its main features shall be as follows:To keep alive the spirit of the principle of people’s supremacy, a Constitution al provision shall be made to institutionalise direct democratic exercise to the extent possible. Regarding this, decisions shall be taken through national referendum in matters that have long-tern effects in the country.
A Constitution al provision shall be made to rectify, by a two thirds majority of the Central Legislature, all the international treaties, understandings and writings that have serious impact on national interest and are related to distribution of Nepal’s natural resources.
Apart from the responsibilities of the state, guiding principles and policies mentioned in the Interim Constitution, it shall be the responsibility of the state to develop and apply policies and programmes to institutionalise and implement the independent and people-oriented federal democratic republic.
In the process of the formulation of a new Constitution through the Constituent assembly, appropriate measures shall be taken to ensure active participation of the general mass, various stakeholders and specialists.
At this juncture, the Nepali people aspire for a prosperous Nepal with radical changes and durable peace. Since the CPN (Maoist) has played a leading role in forming the basis for a new federal democratic republic Nepal by ending the age-old unilateral, feudal and monarchical Nepal through the 10 years long great People’s War, it isn’t unnatural for people to also expect the Maoists to construct a new and prosperous Nepal. Therefore, in the process of the Constituent Assembly election, CPN (Maoist) takes pride in presenting to the people its agenda for the formation of a new Nepal.
We believe that a new Nepal can be formed only by simultaneously implementing the agenda of nationality, republic and economic-social transformation. It is in this spirit that we are presenting a basic outline for the establishment of future Nepal:
In the present globalised world, a new and prosperous Nepal cannot be established rapidly without properly mobilising international relations by skilfully protecting national independence, sovereignty and geographical indivisibility. For this purpose, CPN (Maoist) expresses its commitment to move forward in the following ways:
For independent and long-lasting development of the country, there must be critical assessment of the unequal relationship between Nepal and India that developed from the time of British rule in India and timely changes must be made. For this, the 1950 treaty between Nepal and India and the friendship treaty should be abolished and a new treaty should be signed on the basis of the principle of Panchasheel and mutual goodwill. In the same vein, all other treaties should also be reviewed and amended or improved or cancelled as needed. Serious diplomatic and other initiatives shall be taken regarding this.
The open border between Nepal and India should be managed and controlled. Encroachment and border disputes at Susta, Kalapani and other places should be settled by looking at facts and on the basis of mutual well being. Initiatives shall be taken regarding these issues.
The shameful tradition of recruiting Nepal citizens in foreign army, such as the Gorkha recruitment centre, shall be ended and there provision shall be made for respectful and productive employment for everyone. Necessary steps shall be taken by gathering people’s opinion and by creating conducive environment.
Friendly relationship shall be maintained with all the countries in the world on the basis of the principles of Panchasheel. A special effort shall be made to balance and consolidate relationships with the two big neighbouring countries, China and India. By renouncing the ‘Buffer State’ mentality of the past Nepali rulers, a policy shall be adopted to act as an active bridge between the two countries to gain from the economic developments of both China and India, which are becoming a new engine in world economy.
The circumstances which force Nepali youth to travel to foreign countries for employment shall be ended and proper provisions shall be made for employment in the country. Special attention shall be given to protection of Nepali people who are currently involved in foreign employment and effective measures shall be taken to end all kinds of exploitation and suppression against them.
Special effort shall be initiated through Nepali embassies to protect the rights of Nepali people who are scattered in various countries including India. Non-residential Nepali people shall be encouraged to invest their skills and capital in Nepal by making provisions for dual citizenships.
Provisions shall be made to rectify, by a two thirds majority of the Central Legislature, all the international treaties, understandings and writings that have serious impact on national interest and are related to distribution of Nepal’s natural resources, including hydro-electricity and that provision shall be adhered to very strictly.
A phase-wise plan shall be initiated to end the vicious cycle of foreign debt in Nepal and to develop an independent national economy. A system shall be followed to accept foreign assistance (grant and loan) according to our own plans, terms and initiatives as per national necessity and well-being. And the tradition of accepting loans and grants from international monetary agencies and foreigners’ according to their plans and terms shall be ended.
Fully supporting the (right) of Bhutanese refugees to return home without any preconditions, necessary international initiatives shall be taken to return them home with honour.
It is not possible to create a new Nepal without radically changing the political structure. Thus, CPN (Maoist) shall prioritise institutionalisation of the republic, restructuring the state in a federal pattern and democratisation of all organs of the state mechanism. Maoists shall strictly adhere to the belief that changes can be made only by keeping politics in command. There is a possibility that the notion of a republic based on the present unequal socio-economic reality shall limit democracy to a formality, so we strongly realise that the struggle of the people should be continuously maintained to establish an actual democracy for the labourers and oppressed general mass. Thus CPN (Maoist) expresses its full commitment to form a foundation for a new Nepal by firmly implementing the independent and people-oriented democratic republic imagined during this transitional period.
CPN (Maoist) shall put forward the following proposals to institutionalise and implement an independent and people-oriented federal democratic republic after the completion of the Constituent Assembly election:
Though Nepal is a multi-national, multi-lingual, multi-regional and multi-cultural country, for a long time it had a unitary state rule. The main characteristic of that state was the arrogance of the so-called high caste of the hills, so the majority of Madhesis and Janajatis feel that they were oppressed. Similarly, Seti-Mahakali and Bheri-Karnali regions as well as hill regions feel that they were very much neglected and oppressed by the Kathmandu-centred state rule. In this scenario, the main task in the formation of new Nepal is to end the unitary state structure and restructure it as a federal state. As the political party which has been raising this question of ethnic and regional suppression in connection with class suppression in a clear and managed manner throughout the course of the great People’s War, the CPN (Maoist) feels all the more responsible for applying the procedure for federal restructuring of the state and expresses commitment to implement it correctly and scientifically through the Constituent Assembly. Please keep in mind that from the time of the People’s War we undertook the initial exercise of federal restructuring of the state and we have presented it to the people for endorsement.
What can be the main basis for a federal structure in Nepal? Though a lot of debates have been ongoing regarding this, we are sure that relatively more scientific and practical basis is ethnic and regional identity. It is necessary to understand that by ‘ethnic’ we mean common language, common geography, common economy and a static group of psychologically like-minded people or nationality and not ethnicity or race; or for that matter caste. Moreover, since suppression in the old regime on the basis of class as well as ethnic and regional basis, solution to the problem can be found in the same pattern. Attention must be paid to the fact that in the process of evolution, different ethnic groups have settled in the area which belonged to a different ethnic settlement. That’s why it is necessary to ensure that the rights of one ethnic group are not violated by other ethnic groups. In the same way, inside one main ethnic state, there should also be provisions for other sub-ethnic units. One has to understand that liberation of one race cannot be possible through the suppression of another race and attention should be paid to fact that the rights of minorities should be ensured in mixed race states. If the distribution of rights of all ethnicities and regions are based on agreement and the Constitution and the laws are formulated as per these agreements, then unity between the different ethnicities will be definitely strengthened.
The liberation of oppressed ethnicity and regions is only possible with the leadership of labourers of concerned ethnicity and region. Particularly, for some time now feudal landlords, brokers and bureaucratic capitalists have attempted to snatch the leadership of liberation movements of the Madhesis and other oppressed groups, and pretend to be false messiahs of the oppressed. The liberation seeking people of such ethnicities and regions must remain alert against such actions. All must understand that ‘ there must be something wrong’ if those who supported the unitary state until yesterday and who acted as pawns of national and international reactionary forces have become supporters of ethnic liberation movement overnight.
In the same manner, what can be the main policy of federalism? The universal policy of federalism means rights to self-determination for oppressed ethnicities and regions and voluntary unity on that basis. If we too are to democratically restructure the state, this policy must be accepted. However, while considering the geo-political situation and the low-standard economic-social development of various oppressed ethnicities and regions, the programme of ethnic and regional autonomy is scientific and best suited. In our case, since it is not free states joining the federal structure at their own will, but rather we are trying to restructure and form federal states, it can be difficult to accept this policy and programme to begin with. But all have to understand that this is the only way with which a new and strong unity can be maintained between federal states on the basis of democracy.
As far as the assertion that rights to self-determination shall lead the country to secession goes, so far no country in the world has been disintegrated for providing autonomous rights to oppressed ethnicities and regions. On the contrary, countries have divided after being bound forcefully without such rights. It is important to understand that states which have right to self-determination do not disintegrate as not all wives who have the right to divorce leave their husbands.
As per the appropriate basis and policy for federalism, there shall be three tiers (Centre, Autonomous Republic State and Local tiers) in the state structure. By considering Nepal’s racial makeup, geographical adaptability, linguistic basis, economic possibilities etc., for now they can be divided into the following eleven autonomous republic states and other sub-autonomous states or units: Seti-Mahakali and Bheri-Karnali states, formed on regional basis, and Magarant, Tharuwan, Tamuwan, Newa, Tamasaling, Kirat, Limbuwan, Kochila and Madhes, formed on the basis of ethnicity. The establishment of Mithila, Bhojpur and Awadhi sub-states have also been proposed (see map).
By considering this fact, CPN (Maoists) wants to express commitment to the formation of a new Constitution that institutionalises the independent and people-oriented federal democratic republic with the following essence:
The rights and responsibilities of the Centre, State and local bodies shall be allocated and listed in the Constitution. Border security, management of army, international relations, inter-state trade, monetary policy and central bank, revenues from customs, large scale hydropower projects, railway, airway, national highways, central universities, measurement etc. shall be within the jurisdiction of the Centre, whereas the remaining shall be under the jurisdiction of autonomous states. Accordingly, local transportation, local tax, education, health, sanitation, local means and resources, etc. shall be under the jurisdiction of local bodies.
A special provision shall be made to create a balanced and friendly relationship between the Centre and the State. When the Centre makes a decision regarding the State, provision shall be made to implement the decision through agreements between representatives of the State and based on the laws drafted by the State in agreement with the Centre.
In fact, new Nepal is a prosperous and self-reliant Nepal free from poverty, unemployment, hunger, lack of education, dependence and inequality. So, the Constituent Assembly shall focus on ensuring economic growth for a progressive political change and the total force of the country shall be centred on economic development. For this, an extensive work plan, ‘New Transitional Economic Policy’ shall be prepared and implemented in the form of a campaign. As a result, in terms of development, the country shall join the rank of middle standard in 10 years, high standard in 20 years and extremely high standard in 40 years. For this, short-term, mid-term and long-term economic development plan shall be prepared and implemented. Our simple roadmap shall be like this:
The major hindrance in the overall development of Nepal is the feudal production patter that continues to prevail in various sectors and mainly in agriculture. In Nepal, where two-thirds of the labour force is engaged in agriculture, economic turnaround and rapid growth are not possible unless all forms of feudal production patterns in agriculture are uprooted. So, a revolutionary land reform shall be enforced on the basis of the principle of ‘land to tillers’. Then, a base shall be formed for rapid economic development by doing away with the existing remains of feudalism. In the end, the fact that economic revolution cannot be successful without a political revolution shall be established.
The major basis for rapid growth in Nepal is ample human resources. Human resources are either wandering by fully unemployed or are suffering the pain of pseudo-unemployment and semi-unemployment by holding on to traditional subsistence agriculture. However, neo-liberal economic policies, imposed by international financial institutions, have only resulted in false economic growth which is limited, market-centred and does not create opportunities for employment. In this situation, by means of radical change, a policy of productive labour and employment-oriented development shall be followed in a way such that there shall be maximum utilization of the reserve labour force. Only then, the balance between economic growth and social justice shall be maintained, and the results of development shall reach all parts of the country. For this, by ending unproductive and parasitic bureaucratic capitalistic relationship, that has flourished with the support of the state and international financial institutions, the development of a productive industrial and capitalistic relationship shall be emphasized.
Public-Private Partnership system shall be taken forward in a planned manner in order to supply necessary capital for development and for maximum utilization of the capital scattered in the country. Consumers of various services such as telephone, electricity, water, etc., and labourers working in such industries shall be encouraged to invest in shares in those corporations or industries. This system that ensures participation of national or international private sectors in the management and initiation of the State shall be the backbone of a new Interim economic policy.
In a society like ours, where majority of the people own a small piece of land or very little capital, it is possible to last in the current unevenly competitive world only through economic activities performed through co-operatives rather than individually. So, various kinds of production, distribution and commercial cooperative network shall be extended throughout the country, and thereon, the policy of self-reliant development shall be adopted.
In the present global context where there is maximum use of information media and all kinds of science and technology, an attempt shall be made to achieve rapid growth rate through proper use of science and technology. For that, special emphasis shall be placed on developments in the sectors of education and manpower.
For self-reliant and rapid development, a policy will be adopted for maximum utilization of abundantly available and relatively profitable items and regions such as water, land, jungle, biological diversity, herbs, human resources, etc. For this, agriculture based industries, tourism, hydroelectricity, service sector and infrastructure formation shall be prioritized.
A major features and characteristics of the national development policy shall be to put an end to all forms of existing imperialism, and bureaucratic and broker capitalism in the economy in its entirety, to develop socialism-oriented national industrial capitalism along with rapid economic growth, social justice, regional balance and self-reliance.
In order to give concrete shape to the slogan, ‘New Nepal: A well educated, cultured and healthy Nepal,’ a master plan of socio-cultural transition shall be made and implemented.
Dear sisters and brothers,
The time has come for you to make a historical decision. Three forces- regressive, status-quoists and progressive are in front of you. It is for you to identify them correctly and decide in which direction you would like to direct 21st century Nepal?
First, the monarchist regressive force, which has been placed on its deathbed by the People’s war and the People’s Movement, is still attempting to create obstacles (for democracy). It has been making efforts to disturb the Constituent Assembly election and to gain back power. In the days ahead it may attempt to create further obstacles. But, do you want to take this country 250 years back in history again? Do you want to see the return of the tyrannical feudalist autocracy and to see the country pushed towards civil war? We are confident that not only do you not wish for this to happen, but you are also ready to stand against it and be a part of the decisive confrontation, if needed.
Second, there is the parliamentary status-quoist force. This force wants to keep the country in the state which it currently is in. This force, mainly in the form of Nepali Congress and UML, talks about abstract democracy, but they do not have any agenda for rapid socio-economic transformation and for safeguarding nationalism. For 57 years in the past and recently for 17 years, this force led the government at different times, but was unable to guarantee drastic change in the country. This force is very good at deluding the people by smooth-talking during the election. Labelling both progression and regression as extremism and by remaining equally distant from both these forces, (Nepali Congress and UML) have already proved their status-quoist characteristic. Do you want to repeat the history of failure and frustration by supporting the same people and ideologies? We are confident that you shall re-evaluate this time.
Third is the revolutionary progressive force. This patriotic, republic-supporting leftist force led by the CPN (Maoist), lobbies for overall progress along with the agenda for nationalism, republic and socio-economic transformation. Today, the whole world is saying that the courage and the strength for building a new Nepal lies only with the Maoist force, which is replete with new revolutionary ideology and is ready to sacrifice in thousands for the nation and the people. It is the widespread opinion of the people that only the Maoists can provide the new ideology and the new leadership necessary for a new Nepal. Therefore, the CPN (Maoist) has come before you, under the leadership of President Comrade Prachanda, to bear the new responsibility of the new era. We propose President Comrade Prachanda, a man with courage, wisdom and new ideology, as the first President of a new Republic Nepal. We are hopeful that you shall ratify it and say- “We have given everyone a chance, let’s give a chance to the Maoists and Prachanda this time!”
This Commitment Paper of the CPN (Maoist), which is fully committed to nationalism, republic and socio-economic transformation, is for building a prosperous new Nepal in the 21st century. We cordially request all Nepali sisters, brothers, fathers and mothers to ratify this Commitment Paper for the upcoming Constituent Assembly by getting past the conspiracies of all domestic and foreign reactionary forces, and to open the doors for a new Nepal by voting for the symbol of farmers and labourers, “Sickle and Hammer within the Circle”, in both ballot papers. We further request you to move ahead in the campaign of building a new Nepal on the basis of this Commitment Paper by creating a strong people’s movement in case the regressive elements hatch a conspiracy against this Constituent Assembly election.
People’s victory is certain. The victory of this proud country is certain. People’s victory is Maoist victory!
The victory of the Maoists is the victory for the country and the people!
Thank you!
Nepal Communist Party (Maoists)
Central Committee
[Election symbol of CPN (M)]
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YCL Nepal Bhaktapur District Committee Tel. 01-6632734 |
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Bhaktapur District Committee Tel. 01-6617719 |
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